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On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

socialsciences.mcmaster.ca

101–110 of 110 posts

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#101

Earlier quoted context omitted.

I don't disagree that it's happened as an issue of historical fact. I'm pointing out that the argument is most often deployed in defense of very much unsuppressed voices. And I'm implying strongly that it's being deployed in bad faith.

I'm curious how you're squaring unsuppressed with the "cancel culture" thing whose very purpose appears to be the suppression of those views. You're also ignoring survivorship bias. It's no surprise that the victims of majoritarian tyranny you hear from are not the weakest in society, because the weakest in society don't have enough power to command the spotlight. That doesn't mean tyranny of the majority doesn't exi…

> the "cancel culture" thing whose very purpose appears to be the suppression of those views

Because the "cancel culture" thing doesn't work? The whole concept is nearly a complete fabrication. It's about 20% anecdotes of college kids saying dumb things mixed with 80% paranoia fueled by the conservative media. No one actually gets cancelled, certainly not the white republican men we're talking about constantly yelling (loudly, in a rather, let's say "unsuppressed" manner) about their Free Speech rights.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#102

Earlier quoted context omitted.

>A classic everyone should read, especially today. Individual liberty is increasingly disregarded, belittled, and discarded, and I find that extremely dangerous. JSM is one of the handful of pillars of that thinking whose eloquence makes it accessible to all. Wow, well I have to voice some public disbelief over this statement. Maybe you just write it as a reflex? You think personal liberties are at a low point? I mus…

[flagged]

Please don't use HN for ideological battle. Flamewar tangents like this lead noplace good, and even when someone tried to de-escalate, you re-escalated below. Seriously not cool. We want curious conversation here. This is the opposite.

It looks, in fact, like you're using HN primarily for ideological battle, and that's what we ban accounts for (https://hn.algolia.com/?dateRange=all&page=0&prefix=false&qu...), so please review https://news.ycombinator.com/newsguidelines.html and use HN as intended.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#103
post #58

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Coercion and fraud are not speech. More generally, verbal statements that are part of other actions, such as negotiations for a market transaction, are not speech. The whole point of "speech" is that it is just expressing the beliefs or opinions of the speaker.

One almost never expresses speech for no ulterior motive. Speech is almost always purposeful, and when it concerns beliefs or policy (and it does more than one may think), it is an action intended to influence the political process, ie, how things are done. Not that I disagree that speech should be free, but I think the distinction that was made is fairly absurd and lacks realism.

> One almost never expresses speech for no ulterior motive.

Depends on what you mean by "ulterior motive". If it's just speech, it is an expression of belief or opinion, as I said, and that is all it is. Everyone who hears it can judge it for themselves solely as an expression of belief or opinion. If it's a belief or opinion about public policy, any honest motive for expressing it will be part of the speech itself, so it won't be an "ulterior" motive in the sense of being hidden.

If it is not evident what a person's motives are for expressing a belief or opinion about public policy, any sane hearer will take that fact into account when judging the speech. If the hearer is not being given the freedom to make such judgments, then we're not talking about speech any more, we're talking about coercion or fraud.

> when it concerns beliefs or policy (and it does more than one may think), it is an action intended to influence the political process

No, it's an action intended to influence other people--but whether it does or not depends on the merits of what is said. Speech by itself can't change the political process; that requires changing the Constitution or laws.

> I think the distinction that was made is fairly absurd and lacks realism.

I think it is absurd and lacks realism to refuse to recognize the distinction between speech and action. The whole point of having the category "speech" at all is to force people to accept the reality that, if you want to live in a free country, you have to be enough of a mature adult to be able to tolerate people expressing beliefs that you think are false and opinions that you abhor. In a free country, the proper response to speech you think is wrong is more speech to refute or rebut the speech you think is wrong. Once the idea takes hold that it's okay to suppress people just because they say things you think are wrong, we no longer have a free country. Talk about "ulterior motives" is really just another way of suppressing people who say things you think are wrong.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#104
post #80

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Foundation of the concept of 'Steel-manning'. I'd like to see this idea more wide-spread. Heck, i'd make it mandatory for positions of trust. Ability to see both sides.

Absolutely. It would be amazing to see political debates (and discourse generally) where they're able to steelman each other's position and interact in good faith. That would have a profound effect on our democracy. Instead we get strawmen, soundbites and kayfabe. Somehow we've got to get away from this.

> Somehow we've got to get away from this.

pssst put down your phone.

Posted from my phone.

Goddammit.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#105
post #24

This is, of course, an eloquent expression of a vital philosophy. We should be seriously grateful that it gained serious uptake through the 18th and 19th centuries, giving us(1) the democracy and freedom we enjoy today. Everyone should read it. However, critical thought about how to run a just, fair society should not stop with 1859. Particularly in light of events in the 20th century, and with observations of the fa…

> Also of interest are historical treatments of how support of libertarianism in the mid-18th century could coincide with the most brutal zenith of race-based slavery. The most obvious explanation being that the advocates of human freedom were predominantly the opponents of slavery. There were, after all, two sides to the civil war.

There is some correlation, but less than you'd think. Many of the most fiery defenses of individual liberty were written by people who simultaneously enslaved others.

Understanding how and why that can happen is important for historical context of these movements, and understanding what is happening in our country now.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#106

Earlier quoted context omitted.

I think it's this bit: "does not apply to all skin colors, genders or sexual orientations" If he'd said "does not apply to all countries" he'd probably not get downvoted, but the idea that people of different sexes and races don't have equal freedom is a hotly contested political question in many countries.

> giving us(1) the democracy and freedom we enjoy today I think the point is that not everybody benefitted equally. I don’t think that’s very contentious, we can just look at the civil rights movement or even women’s suffrage, both of which are relatively new things. It would seem that the benefits are very slowly evening out though - every couple of decades there is a noticeable improvement. It’s not as fast as woul…

And yet the history of the 20th century, there are plenty of cases where a society has _regressed_ along this axis. Sometimes quite suddenly.

European fascism is the obvious example, but it's also really interesting to look at the trajectory of social freedom in places like China, Iran, Afghanistan, etc. Progress is not guaranteed.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#107
post #51

One of my more used quotes. Page 35 on the document. > He who knows only his own side of the case, knows little of that. His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them. But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the opposite side; if he does not so much as know what they are, he has no ground for preferring either opinion. The rational position for him would be suspension of judgment,…

++ for suspending judgement when one doesn't properly understand the arguments on both sides.

We could use some more of that.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#108
post #105

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> Also of interest are historical treatments of how support of libertarianism in the mid-18th century could coincide with the most brutal zenith of race-based slavery. The most obvious explanation being that the advocates of human freedom were predominantly the opponents of slavery. There were, after all, two sides to the civil war.

There is some correlation, but less than you'd think. Many of the most fiery defenses of individual liberty were written by people who simultaneously enslaved others. Understanding how and why that can happen is important for historical context of these movements, and understanding what is happening in our country now.

> Many of the most fiery defenses of individual liberty were written by people who simultaneously enslaved others.

Many of the most fiery defenses of abolition were written by people who simultaneously enslaved others, e.g. Jefferson.

Something something banality of evil. You can know something is wrong, but if you're a farmer and the competing farmers are using slave labor, your primary options are to do the same thing or be uncompetitive in the market and starve to death.

You can argue that they should have chosen starvation over doing the wrong thing even while pushing for the systemic change that would allow them to do the right thing without self-destruction, but that level of unpragmatic selflessness is a lot to expect from real-life imperfect humans.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#109
post #61

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> That is the platform of the trans positive groups. Please include a link to some of these platforms. > If I don’t use the proper pronoun at the right time for that person, again, I am committing hate speech. This is a big claim -- please share a reference. > If I say no one floats across the spectrum like that... What is your basis for saying this?

I don’t need a basis other than feelings now. However my feeling are invalid because they are not the currently beloved norms.

>>> you: If I say no one floats across the spectrum like that...

>> me: What is your basis for saying this?

> you: I don’t need a basis other than feelings now.

Of course your feelings and experiences matter. However, if you want to (a) have a deeper conversation; (b) help others understand where you are coming from; or (c) possibly convince other people, I suggest you try to unpack your experience.

> However my feeling are invalid because they are not the currently beloved norms.

If I interpret this literally: This is not true. Of course your feelings are valid.

If I interpret it this as sarcasm: I encourage you to rephrase your point; sarcasm is not useful if you want to engage in discussion.

My tentative impression, so far:

1. You seem currently seem focused on a narrow mental framing of this issue. You seem to fixate on a particular part of the debate without much rigor or reflection.

2. I have not seen much of a willingness or skill to engage on a deeper level.

3. It appears to me that you are using HN to vent. Keep in mind that venting or mischaracterizing others does not suit the audience here.

I'm not asking you to change your experience, values, or goals. I'm asking you to put an effort to engage and listen. I'm also asking you to use your strong feelings about the issue to encourage a deeper investigation into the situation; the nuances. At the very least, you can improve on how you present your experience, arguments, philosophy, etc.

Re: On Liberty (1859) [pdf]

#110
post #99
post #82

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Oh but I did. The worse interpretation was that the commenter feels their liberty is constrained by current efforts to combat racism, sexism, sexual assault, etc.. Either way, invoking Mill is philosophical hogwash. Aim higher with your dishonest intellectualism.

> Either way, invoking Mill is philosophical hogwash. There are more than two reasons that a link about Mill might have been posted. You've only mentioned two very pessimistic interpretations. I will grant that choosing the least pessimistic is a step in the right direction, but I want to point out this: there are many positive reasons why people value Mill. If you ask first, you might find them. You don't have to ag…

In all of that nonsense, you didn't actually present any alternative interpretation of why Mill was being discussed other than the two obvious and "pessimistic" ones. Thanks for the large red herring.

Oh, and I don't work in your little corporate world where people value "constructive" feedback. I don't value it because I don't value dishonesty. Aim higher with your connection to reality.

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