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Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

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Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#181

Earlier quoted context omitted.

This pisses me off for the same reason as “In the Beginning was the Command Line”

Explain why this pisses you off and why Neil Stephenson's work also pissed you off?

They seem to have an axe to grind against syncretic cultures like India’s “Ganga-Jamni tehzeeb” and Eco in particular is conflating it with behavior of people like Savitri Devi

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#182

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> I'm saying that the people who identify with Antifa tend to practice or condone violence Who have you spoken to who is like this? I identify as an antifascist. I've never thrown a brick or punched a person. Virtually all of my antifascist action involves holding signs or calling businesses. This is true for basically everybody I've ever interacted with who considers themselves an antifascist.

Then I’m not talking about you. :)

But you were. You made a claim about the large majority of anti fascists. And I’d like to know which ones you’ve interacted with and where because it doesn’t match my experience as an anti fascist.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#183
post #114

Earlier quoted context omitted.

What I'm saying is that it's going to happen regardless of the consequences, because of how languages evolve. Coming from a culture that likes to regulate language, I find that any effort in that vein tends to fail pretty spectacularly. At best, you can mandate spelling reforms. If dehumanization occurs, and people then counter that phenomenon, new words and new meanings will appear naturally just like they always ha…

Well, people like to throw around the term Nazi much in the way. I think in general society does a pretty good job of containing the spread of that word so that _for the most part_, when somebody says Nazi, you can assume they are referring to a party that existed in Germany ~1935, or something very close (self-declared decsendents of Nazis etc) .. Further, I think you will often be checked if you try and mislabel so…

Essentially, you have the answer already. Since actual Nazis are still very much a highly relevant cultural reference, there is not yet enough inertia for Nazi to become a generic term. Conversely, since few care about Italian fascism, the need is not felt.

The difference here is that this is not something that an intervention can fix, unless it could somehow compete with decades of cultural interactions and signifiers from billions of people. It's not a case of containing anything: that's essentially an anthropomorphization similar to seeing evolution as having intent. That is why the idea of wanting to educate people in the hopes of enforcing "correct" wording is fundamentally flawed because it has almost nothing to do with how words actually change or stay the same.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#184
post #114

Earlier quoted context omitted.

What I'm saying is that it's going to happen regardless of the consequences, because of how languages evolve. Coming from a culture that likes to regulate language, I find that any effort in that vein tends to fail pretty spectacularly. At best, you can mandate spelling reforms. If dehumanization occurs, and people then counter that phenomenon, new words and new meanings will appear naturally just like they always ha…

People can choose what words they decide to use. They simply have to be educated enough to know the difference and concerned enough to care.

But that's the point. They don't have to do anything. They will use words in certain ways, and the meaning will change. And if enough people support that meaning, they will be eventually be correct.

Consider how the meaning of epicurean has evolved due to Christian influence over time. Now matter how much education people get on the topic of the original philosophy, it will not be sufficient to erase the alternative meaning of the word.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#185

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> One problem I've had with this perspective is that the BLM movement is ongoing and has developed into a more coherent (but still decentralized) organization Yes, let me be perfectly clear that I'm not arguing that the whole BLM movement is violent. I distinguish carefully and deliberately between peaceful protesters and violent rioters. Certainly the majority was peaceful. Even still, there have been a lot of peopl…

> I want to understand why society (including a great many moderates) are only alarmed by illiberalism when it's labeled "fascism" (and conversely why we tolerate illiberalism in the name of combatting 'fascism'). I suppose it's a matter of perspective. I don't know how much the sympathies for authoritarian regimes and the calls to violence on twitter would translate to people taking action. The calls for revolution…

> The calls for revolution just seem like role-play to me. I just don't hear this sort of rhetoric being voiced by people actually doing the work of advancing progressive political causes.

That’s sort of how I felt as well before the BLM riots and various antifa violence (no, not all antifa or BLM protesters are violent). To be honest I think I’m more concerned about the people who implicitly or explicitly condoned the violence than the violence itself. Indeed, I think that suggested to the Capitol Hill rioters that political violence was no longer out-of-bounds; rather, it was legitimate and necessary.

> Maybe it's easier for me to dismiss the illiberalism on the left because I genuinely am not exposed to that much of it.

I am sympathetic to this. With cable news and now social media we’re all being “bubbled” according to what Twitter et al thinks will keep us most engaged, and it’s hard to know how skewed our information stream really is. I’m certainly concerned about my own bubble, and I try to limit the threat of bias by subscribing to a diverse stream of content rather than letting the likes of Twitter curate for me.

> I feel the same way about the behavior of the right in recent months.

I agree. I think the right followed the left’s lead after the media, the academy, silicon valley, Hollywood, and virtually every other prominent cultural institution either condoned or ignored the violence over the summer. It often feels like the left makes/changes the rules and the right reacts/follows suit—with respect to moral relativism, epistemological relativism, in civility, and most recently political violence. I think it’s this perception that the left “leads” the cycle (by way of dominance over the aforementioned influential institutions) that draws my criticism leftward (although I take care to avoid being unduly lenient to the right).

> Yeah pretty much. I believe fascism is gaining political traction. I'm concerned about the increasing militancy of white nationalist groups and the significant number of people in the US who think the election was stolen.

I sympathize and to an extent I agree. The critical difference I think is that I see the rise of the extreme right as a direct consequence of the rise of the extreme left. I don’t think we’ll have much success re-marginalizing the right so long as we continue to condone and tolerate bad behavior on the left. I think we need to reestablish non-partisan norms of honesty, civility, and non-violence and consistently enforce breaches of those ethics whether from the right or the left. I think our double-standard is a powerful driver of the radicalization of the right, and until we correct it, I fear socially censuring the right will only fuel their persecution narrative and bolster their ranks. This is a long-winded way of saying that reigning in the far left feels like a prerequisite to reigning in the far-right. Of course, I remain vigilant to the possibility that I’m wrong.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#186

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> I want to understand why society (including a great many moderates) are only alarmed by illiberalism when it's labeled "fascism" (and conversely why we tolerate illiberalism in the name of combatting 'fascism'). I suppose it's a matter of perspective. I don't know how much the sympathies for authoritarian regimes and the calls to violence on twitter would translate to people taking action. The calls for revolution…

> The calls for revolution just seem like role-play to me. I just don't hear this sort of rhetoric being voiced by people actually doing the work of advancing progressive political causes. That’s sort of how I felt as well before the BLM riots and various antifa violence (no, not all antifa or BLM protesters are violent). To be honest I think I’m more concerned about the people who implicitly or explicitly condoned t…

>The critical difference I think is that I see the rise of the extreme right as a direct consequence of the rise of the extreme left.

The rise of the extreme right arguably began with the Tea Party, or possibly as a reaction to 9/11. What leftist extremism would either have been a direct consequence of?

I see the opposite - Antifa only became a thing as a reaction to the perceived extremism of Trump's base. BLM came about as a reaction to violence by the police (which as an institution is overwhelmingly right-wing.) Right-wing extremism then surged as a counter-reaction to that.

Even Trump's election, itself, was a right-wing populist reaction not to any kind of leftist extremism but to the status quo, and the existence of the left in general.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#187
post #19

I returned to this essay when I saw the photo of the Jake Angeli in the Capitol - a Q-supporter wearing an Indian buffalo mask and a tattoo of Odin, storming the capitol alongside evangelical Christians. Relevant quote: This new culture had to be syncretistic. Syncretism is not only, as the dictionary says, “the combination of different forms of belief or practice”; such a combination must tolerate contradictions. Ea…

My critique of this essay is that Eco implies that it is a contradiction for there to be an external enemy which is overpowering and humiliating, and yet at the same time easy to defeat if our people would just stand up to them. That is not a contradiction. If a people have been demoralized and degenerated, it is actually very easy for them to be in such a state. A really great example of this phenomena is China. A c…

I think it was one of The Exiled writers -- John Dolan, Matt Tiabi, or Mark Ames -- who said something to the effect of:

"All nationalism is, by definition, wounded."

You're either avenging a real or perceived loss, humiliation, or simply taking umbrage at the fact the world isn't kneeling to you as deeply as it should; "Make America Great Again".

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#188

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Then I’m not talking about you. :)

But you were. You made a claim about the large majority of anti fascists. And I’d like to know which ones you’ve interacted with and where because it doesn’t match my experience as an anti fascist.

Mostly folks in Oregon and Chicago and elsewhere online. I'm not going to give you their names on the Internet when I'm not willing to give you my own name. Many weren't violent themselves but were condoning or praising those who were. They liken "anti-fascist" violence to allied forces at D-Day.

I'm sure you can argue if you like that these aren't a majority of antifa. Fine, I don't care, and my point doesn't hinge on that detail. Do you have anything substantial to add, or are you just here to nitpick minutia?

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#189
post #177

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Yes you’re right, many of these people on Jan 6th believe that they had been denied their democratic rights. That’s why they were willing to directly attack and attempt to overturn the electoral process. In contrast no such extreme perception is present in the BLM movement, some are radicalised sure, but not entire protest mobs. It’s not a core belief of the movement that reform is impossible. If it were true that de…

The problem with defending violence, is that you have to defend the underlying grievances that led to violence. Can you blame people who engage in violence if they had a sincere belief that they were justified? What if it turns out that actually the election WAS stolen? Would you retroactively excuse them? > In contrast no such extreme perception is present in the BLM movement, some are radicalised sure, but not enti…

Oh I'm not backing BLM, or Antifa particularly, there are those among them who are very far beyond the pale. I'm not even particularly going to pick sides as to which is more violent. I think it's 9 people that have been killed in BLM protests, although several of them were BLM protesters themselves. There's blood on people's hands on all sides, and I don't think there are even just 2 sides here.

The question is really about objectives. The BLM movement isn't fundamentally anti-democratic or revolutionary, it's reformist. Whether Trump explicitly incited violence I think is questionable for example, his incitement was reckless but personally I don't think it was criminal (Giuliani on the other hand...).

The core issue IMHO is the democratic process. Trump launched a deliberate, pre-meditated all out attack on the democratic process in America, and overturning that process was the explicit goal of the Capitol attack. He has made zero credible effort at electoral reform, if he can't win democratically he is entirely comfortably with winning undemocratically and so are a very, very large swathe of his supporters. This is the fact that cannot be dismissed withwhataboutist finger pointing.

Re: Umberto Eco: Ur-Fascism (1995) [pdf]

#190
post #186

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> The calls for revolution just seem like role-play to me. I just don't hear this sort of rhetoric being voiced by people actually doing the work of advancing progressive political causes. That’s sort of how I felt as well before the BLM riots and various antifa violence (no, not all antifa or BLM protesters are violent). To be honest I think I’m more concerned about the people who implicitly or explicitly condoned t…

>The critical difference I think is that I see the rise of the extreme right as a direct consequence of the rise of the extreme left. The rise of the extreme right arguably began with the Tea Party, or possibly as a reaction to 9/11. What leftist extremism would either have been a direct consequence of? I see the opposite - Antifa only became a thing as a reaction to the perceived extremism of Trump's base. BLM came…

> The rise of the extreme right arguably began with the Tea Party, or possibly as a reaction to 9/11 ... Even Trump's election, itself, was a right-wing populist reaction not to any kind of leftist extremism but to the status quo, and the existence of the left in general.

I dispute this. The Tea Party and early 2000s conservatives weren't "extreme right", they were moderate, largely civil (if only because they were late adopters of the Internet), non-violent, and roughly "liberal" in the sense that they were more-or-less on-board with the liberalism contract (individual rights, settle conflicts non-violently, due process, freedom of speech, etc). There was always a fringe far-right element, but they were successfully marginalized. The idea that Trumpism was a reaction to the existence of the left doesn't make a lot of sense--the left has always existed and yet Trumpism didn't catalyze until ~2015.

That said, I suspect you disagree with this characterization, and that's fine. I don't think either of us can prove our positions, so perhaps we can agree on this much: liberalism is worth defending, and we should condemn illiberalism whether from the right or the left, irrespective of who cast the first stone?

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