Earlier quoted context omitted.
> But Medicare 4 All, where many Democrats appear to want to go in the long term--though they disagree about how quickly they want to get there Democrats generally agree that there should be universal access to health care, and a mostly agree that that should involve a public plan (not just a private subsidy) available to at least some section of the population beyond the current Medicaid population. There is not gen…
> There is not general agreement within the Democratic Party on universal single-payer as even a long-term goal. The currently dominant neoliberal faction of the Democratic Party supports a public option as a long-term component of healthcare policy to acheive universal access, but does not generally support single-payer as a goal, in either the near or long term. A big majority of Democrats support Medicare 4 All: h…
Sure, a big majority of Democrats in the electorate do.
The description of the center or center-right nature of the Democratic Party is not a description of the party-in-the-electorate but the institutional party. In fact, it's frequently expressly contrasted with the views of the party-in-the-electorate to argue that the institutional party is a poor agent of its membership.
Turning to polls of the party-in-the-electorate to argue against the characterization is, at best, not understanding what the discussion is about and, at worst, the fallacy of equivocation.
> netting transfers mixes up the tax system from the welfare system.
In every state, taxes and the welfare system are already mixed up, and the division of function between them isn’t consistent fromm state to state. Viewing them separately miscasts differences in preferred vehicle with differences in preferred function. Or vice versa.