Live data from Hacker News

The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

theatlantic.com

191–200 of 200 posts

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#191
post #188

Earlier quoted context omitted.

Babies and children might not be able to argument at the moment, but they are capable of argumentation. This is the "shifting sands" technique that was previously mentioned. Counterexamples are simple to find: a baby with a terminal disease, a mature person in a vegetative state. Animals, on the other hand, can't argument at all, therefore are not capable of holding negative property rights. So you say. And yet anima…

"appealing to Hume's razor"... I don't want to sound disrespectful, but that's laughable. It seems that you believe that positive law (meaning: law that you "think" is right and want to impose on others) is perfectly reasonable. The deal with argumentative ethics is that it derives natural law through logic reasoning. You may not like it, you may hate the conclusions it achieves, but it's only way you can build an et…

It seems that you believe that positive law (meaning: law that you "think" is right and want to impose on others) is perfectly reasonable.

Both of our biases should not affect if the argument is valid. If I can find counter examples to that argument that simply then there is something wrong with the argument.

we're in the authoritarian/totalitarian land we live with today.

Ignoring the pejorative judgement ("authoritarian/totalitarian"), yes indeed we are in the land we live in today.

I'm not interested in an ethics system for some world that lives as a thought experiment.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#192

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> To know with any level of confidence whether DD could work, it would have to be tried No, you can also build up a set of ideas of how people behave in response to desires, norms, and stimuli. Those ideas let you make predictions of how people would act. Can those ideas be wrong? Totally. So they should be tested. But at what scale do they need to be tested? If you've seen a 20-person student group engage in a long…

> No Implying you disagree with me, but then: > ...you can also build up a set of ideas of how people behave in response to desires, norms, and stimuli. Those ideas let you make predictions of how people would act. Correct. But I'm sure you realize that there is a difference between predicting something and knowing something. Don't forget, "knowing* something is actually limited to under a certain set of unique circu…

> difference between predicting something and knowing something

In common speech, someone will say "I know this will happen" when they merely predict it with high confidence. So would you agree that we've reached the point where we need to be more meticulous about definitions?

If so, lets go back up the thread a bit:

/u/LoSboccacc said:

> the chances for Joe Random to understand the ramifications of his voting in direct democracy are slim

> the risk of unmitigated populism storming the masses into voting some real shit is ever present

To which you said:

> the overwhelming consensus opinion seems to be that It Is Known that it could not possibly work, full stop.

The distinction between "chances are slim" and "could not possibly" is as meaningful as the distinction you make between predicting and knowing. Its not the same type of distinction, but it is just as meaningful.

So if you actually think "I don't think it's 100% inevitable that DD would result in chaos", then sure. We agree on that.

But if you think "I don't think chances are slim of DD being stable and happier than our current system", then we inherently start to talk about probabilities of future events -- we start to talk about predictions.

>

So that is the path of how one might disagree: By pointing out that you're also making predictions and that I'm making different well-reasoned predictions.

--------

> does anyone actually care?

I think for this question to be meaningful, you have to resist the temptation to treat the verb "care" passively. To care about something is to direct attention to it... hopefully to direct action toward it. We eat, sleep, and care within finite time. So we can try to choose what to care about based on:

- What impact we predict the thing has on our lives.

- What impact we predict our care and its actions would have on the thing.

- How much time and effort we predict we would need to spend for our care to make that impact.

- How frequently that prediction of impact is re-enforced with evidence-of-success that we recognize.

And we strive to parcel out our attention well among all our responsibilities. Some are better at controlling their attention than others, but all have limited time.

Consequently, I think very few people direct a lot of their care to the question "what is the best approach to yielding the maximum benefit to all people on planet Earth?"

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#193
post #191

Earlier quoted context omitted.

"appealing to Hume's razor"... I don't want to sound disrespectful, but that's laughable. It seems that you believe that positive law (meaning: law that you "think" is right and want to impose on others) is perfectly reasonable. The deal with argumentative ethics is that it derives natural law through logic reasoning. You may not like it, you may hate the conclusions it achieves, but it's only way you can build an et…

It seems that you believe that positive law (meaning: law that you "think" is right and want to impose on others) is perfectly reasonable. Both of our biases should not affect if the argument is valid. If I can find counter examples to that argument that simply then there is something wrong with the argument. we're in the authoritarian/totalitarian land we live with today. Ignoring the pejorative judgement ("authorit…

> If I can find counter examples to that argument that simply then there is something wrong with the argument

Except that you didn't. All you did was to state your opinions against the argument without any reasonable refutation.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#194

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> No Implying you disagree with me, but then: > ...you can also build up a set of ideas of how people behave in response to desires, norms, and stimuli. Those ideas let you make predictions of how people would act. Correct. But I'm sure you realize that there is a difference between predicting something and knowing something. Don't forget, "knowing* something is actually limited to under a certain set of unique circu…

> difference between predicting something and knowing something In common speech, someone will say "I know this will happen" when they merely predict it with high confidence. So would you agree that we've reached the point where we need to be more meticulous about definitions? If so, lets go back up the thread a bit: /u/LoSboccacc said: > the chances for Joe Random to understand the ramifications of his voting in dir…

> So would you agree that we've reached the point where we need to be more meticulous about definitions?

Most definitely, ages ago.

> The distinction between "chances are slim" and "could not possibly" is as meaningful as the distinction you make between predicting and knowing. Its not the same type of distinction, but it is just as meaningful.

Maybe I misunderstand you, but people not realizing (so it seems) when they're making a speculative prediction (as opposed to stating a ~proven fact) seems like a rather big deal to me. The "chances are slim" and "could not possibly" comparison is from two different contexts. We must have our wires crossed somehow?

> But if you think "I don't think chances are slim of DD being stable and happier than our current system", then we inherently start to talk about probabilities of future events -- we start to talk about predictions. So that is the path of how one might disagree: By pointing out that you're also making predictions and that I'm making different well-reasoned predictions.

Had I made any predictions, I would obviously agree.

I guess my point is, I take a bit of offence to:

a) people strongly suggesting our options are limited, without evidence

b) people using speculative predictions as some sort of a proof of widespread racism: "Moreover the risk of unmitigated populism storming the masses into voting some real shit is ever present; while a populist leader still have to work within the framework of the houses it would be extremely easy to con the people into, say, voting xenophobic measures during circumscribed but substantial crisis like the Syrian war."

If similar negative generalizations were made about people based on skin colour or culture, I suspect the reaction would be far different.

> To care about something is to direct attention to it

100% agree. And I have noticed a pattern of people not being willing to direct attention to the possibility that their predictions of the future, and observations of reality, may be in part speculative.

> Consequently, I think very few people direct a lot of their care to the question "what is the best approach to yielding the maximum benefit to all people on planet Earth?"

100% agree, which is my complaint. However, there is simultaneously no shortage of people directing significant attention and effort into pointing out that certain groups are "the" underlying problem with the world, typically with no evidence other than popular opinion.

Will be interesting to see how it all turns out.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#195

Earlier quoted context omitted.

That's a really good point. I hadn't thought about it in those terms before. An issue that I see is what to do with groups who are two small to achieve their aims via democracy but large enough that they can cause unrest. The textbook answer would be that the constitution places limits on democracy in order to protect the rights of the minority. However, looking at current American culture it seems like that hasn't w…

What do you mean by "punish minority views"? An important component of the classical notion of "state" power is that the government has a monopoly on the use of force. When coupled with the limits to the power of the majority (i.e. individual rights and limited government), holders of minority views should be protected from "punishment" that involves any use of force related to their protected rights.

Things like losing a job, being excluded from community organizations, or just generally shunned by society.

While things like gender, sex, race, and religion are often protected; things like political views, worldview, and way of life generally are not.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#196
post #188

Earlier quoted context omitted.

That's only if you didn't bother reading it carefully. You missed the point about the ability of performing arguments. Babies and children might not be able to argument at the moment, but they are capable of argumentation. Therefore, for as long as they don't achieve maturity, tutors can act in the interest of the child . Animals, on the other hand, can't argument at all, therefore are not capable of holding negative…

Babies and children might not be able to argument at the moment, but they are capable of argumentation. This is the "shifting sands" technique that was previously mentioned. Counterexamples are simple to find: a baby with a terminal disease, a mature person in a vegetative state. Animals, on the other hand, can't argument at all, therefore are not capable of holding negative property rights. So you say. And yet anima…

Seriously, do not waste time on the details of the "reasoning". The pillars of it does not hold water either. Even if you assume these falsehoods, nowhere you go from "you need scare resources" to "private ownership is therefore natural"

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#197

Earlier quoted context omitted.

The Senate is not meant to be representation by population - it is representation by geography. A different slice of the country that isn't undemocratic. Since both houses of congress need to agree on a bill, both of those different slices need to agree to pass a law.

> The Senate is not meant to be representation by population Yes, it is deliberately anti-democratic. > it is representation by geography. By political subdivisions, actually. > A different slice of the country that isn't undemocratic. It is absolutely and deliberately antidemocratic by initial design.

No, "anti-democratic" would be a dictatorship.

This is just a different slice of society - one that doesn't favor the political party you are in favor of, and so you're happy to miscategorize it.

...but be careful. Eroding the public perception of legitimacy in the American system won't have the impact you intent. The only realistic way to convert to a pure representation-by-population system would be a revolution - and those seldom produce any form of democracy at all. ...and usually involve quite a bit of death and destruction in the process of NOT achieving their goals.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#198

Earlier quoted context omitted.

What do you mean by "punish minority views"? An important component of the classical notion of "state" power is that the government has a monopoly on the use of force. When coupled with the limits to the power of the majority (i.e. individual rights and limited government), holders of minority views should be protected from "punishment" that involves any use of force related to their protected rights.

Things like losing a job, being excluded from community organizations, or just generally shunned by society. While things like gender, sex, race, and religion are often protected; things like political views, worldview, and way of life generally are not.

That just sounds like normal consequences. I don't think it is reasonable to think that the government is going to protect you from the private-actor consequences of your "political views, worldview, and way of life".

To do so would require the government to become an arbiter of those things, which would be antithetical to the protection of individual rights such as freedom of speech, freedom of association, and in general individual liberty.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#199
post #191

Earlier quoted context omitted.

It seems that you believe that positive law (meaning: law that you "think" is right and want to impose on others) is perfectly reasonable. Both of our biases should not affect if the argument is valid. If I can find counter examples to that argument that simply then there is something wrong with the argument. we're in the authoritarian/totalitarian land we live with today. Ignoring the pejorative judgement ("authorit…

> If I can find counter examples to that argument that simply then there is something wrong with the argument Except that you didn't. All you did was to state your opinions against the argument without any reasonable refutation.

> Counterexamples are simple to find: a baby with a terminal disease, a mature person in a vegetative state.

Re: The Basic Problem of Democracy (1919)

#200
post #183
post #167

Earlier quoted context omitted.

> I suspect the same would hold for any attempt at central planning. It would be worse for central planning, because in addition to the problem you mention, central planning has the problem of getting the necessary information to the central planner, which in the general case is impossible: the information goes up as the exponential of the population size, but the bandwidth of information channels to the central plan…

Markets are no better on any of these issues.

They are at least in the sense that instead of a small group of individuals attempting to process all the information (impossible), you have a large number of individuals processing subsets of the information (possible, but can have it's own issues like missing the forest for the threes).
Post reply on HN